Abstract
The aim of this thesis is to examine the linguistic conditions on anaphoric relations between two linguistic expressions A and B, and to present a theory of Grammar which generates the output representations based on which A and B can be related to the same individual(s).
Chapter 2 provides background discussion for the remainder of the thesis. It is shown that the so-called scrambling construction in Japanese is structurally two-way ambiguous; one type of this construction (which shall be called _Surface OS-type_) is crucially used to argue for the claims to be proposed in the subsequent chapters.
Chapters 3 and 4 demonstrate that anaphoric relations are divided into three types when we examine the structural condition for its availability. I thus propose three formal relations that provide basis for an anaphoric relation; they are (i) Formal Dependency (which is contingent upon LF c-command), (ii) co-I-indexation (which has to satisfy the PF precedence requirement in case the antecedent and the dependent term are in the same sentence), and (iii) co-D-indexation (the establishment of which is not syntactically constrained in principle).
Chapter 5 considers how these three relations are to be interpreted. I claim that Formal Dependency is basically mapped to bound variable anaphora, while co-I-indexation forms an E-type link, assuming the characterization of an E-type link in lines with Evans 1980. These two relations are _dependencies_ in the sense that the dependent term can be interpreted only if there is a linguistic antecedent. Co-D-indexation, on the other hand, is not a dependency, and the two co-D-indexed expressions are simply independently referential.
Chapter 6 summarizes the proposals, and discusses further issues on the organization of Grammar.
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